By Ward Rutherford
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Ideologically, military media characterized the invasion as a setback for Chinese hopes that the unipolar world that followed the disintegration of the Soviet Union would segue smoothly into a multipolar balance of power. The United States had bypassed the UN and, while claiming to fight for democracy and humanitarian causes, had trampled on the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of other countries. ”8 Another lesson that must have been learned but was never explicitly stated was that Russia could not be counted on as an ally.
3-22. , The Lessons of History, pp. 61-88. 9. O’Dowd, Chinese Military Strategy, pp. 70-71; Susan M. , The PLA at Home and Abroad, p. 554. 10. On these lessons, see John J. , The Lessons of History, pp. , Chinese Warfighting, pp. 123-142. 11. Chen Jian, Mao’s China and the Cold War. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2001, pp. 225-227; Zhai Qiang, China and the Vietnam Wars, 1950-1975, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. 12. On the overall lessons learned by the PLAAF, see Kenneth W.
19 Another vocal backer of opposition to an all-out effort to match the United States in weapons technology was Qiao Liang (乔良), one of the two senior colonels whose book, Unrestricted Warfare (超限战), had been published just prior to the Kosovo confrontation. In an interview with China Youth Daily (中国青年报), Qiao argued that for China to strive for a high technology military to deal with the United States was to fall into the same trap that had bankrupted the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and caused it to disintegrate.